tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-12293372583123642512024-03-05T20:24:47.254+02:00H. F. VerwoerdDr. Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd, documenting the legacy of South Africa's first Republican Prime Minister.Afrikaner Broadcasting Corporationhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13035310800925672003noreply@blogger.comBlogger7125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-88164027276771838972010-12-11T09:55:00.009+02:002014-07-10T16:15:34.369+02:00May 31, 1966 Prime Minister Verwoerd on The Fifth Anniversary of The Republic<div>
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<i>Speech by Dr HF Verwoerd, Prime Minister of the Republic of South Africa, on the Occasion of the First Quinquennial Celebration of the Republic of South Africa at Monument Hill, Pretoria, on May 31, 1966</i><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Dear countrymen and fellow citizens,<br />
The light of the sun of freedom was extinguished years ago, but not forever. In this Republic of South Africa we are once again abiding in the full strength of its light, in the warmth which it spreads; we are a free, happy and prosperous nation. </span></div>
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We shall not have the privilege of gathering in this wonderful place every five years. Every fifth year we shall, however, celebrate the birth of the Republic. We shall do it because as a nation it binds us closer together in the unity we want, the unity which we must have in the face of the attacks surrounding us. But every fifth year we shall have the main celebrations in another part of the country. You are thus again tonight attending a unique event which the next generation will live to see here in perhaps twenty or twenty-five years’ time.</div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Where we are tonight so united in spirit and in our numbers, I want to point out to you the strength of an ideal, the strength of the human mind which precedes the deed. A nation without bearings, that does not know whither it wants to go, will not get anywhere; similarly so with a human being in his personal life. It is the choice of an ideal, an aim set clearly, which leads to victory in the end. And it is since the day that we, as a nation, set the Republic as an ideal, that we have been inspired with strength and progressed day after day in all spheres of life. The power of inspiration of the Republican ideal was not limited to the achievement of political freedom. On the contrary, it was the inspiration of all our deeds, it was the inspiration of our growth as a nation. It led to our unity, it led to our economic prosperity, and it was based on our faith in God. We placed our future in His hands and received the gift from His hands five years ago. My friends, the strength of an ideal is inexhaustible and it will inspire us still further onwards, but when we consider it we must glance back and think of those who laid the foundations.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Now I want to put you a question, and in order to prevent it from being too much confused by the emotions of our time, I want to put it as follows: If in future years one looks back on the history of the last sixty years, what will one see? My answer is quite clear that this observer of the past will see a heroic nation; a nation which could lift itself up out of defeat and rise to victory; a nation which did not remain defeated but which in spite of all the human weaknesses which it inherited like other nations, could yet rise out of its defeat and grow to greatness in all spheres of life. Greatness only exists when you can use your defeat as the foundation on which to build a future.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">When the past is surveyed not only a heroic nation will be seen, but also how a clear future was unravelled out of an apparently inextricable crow’s nest. The two great streams of the history of the first sixty years of this century will be seen as two opposite streams; one which sought independence but an independence enclosed in a greater whole; a pursuit of an independent South Africa as part, firstly of the British Empire, and later of a Commonwealth. Independence, but within limits; the desire of a share in a greater unity.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Beside that was the second stream; that of a nation which wanted to become independent, altogether free of all ties, but at the same time on friendly terms with those to whom it was tied before. It was the stream of the birth of a nation; the stream of a republican form of freedom. On looking back one will see that the two clear, separate, even opposing streams, are symbolized by two groups of men. On the one side Generals Botha and Smuts and on the other side General Hertzog, Dr. Malan and Advocate Strijdom. Those who represented the first course, who also inspired to a form of unity for the nation, sought it in the rise of that unity; in accepting the fact that the weaker and smaller would find its salvation in what appeared to be an everlasting world power. On the other hand, in the second stream, there was also an aspiration to national unity, but a unity of the people alone, of those who belong together; those who are loyal to each other, loyal to their country and nation and after that loyal to everybody outside.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">On looking back, the first road will be seen as the cul-de-sac and the second as the road which led to fulfilment - the republican road. But let me state clearly now that history will judge that the courses and events which were included in that first political trend - although the road led to a dead-end - were linked up with the main road. It was the smaller stream, the stream which also helped to frame the Union; a stream which originally included the idea of separating the races; a stream which within limits also sought independence. That stream, as a tributary, flowed into the main stream and helped to fill and give it capacity. In that sense I can acknowledge the contribution of that stream, with which I personally never could identify myself, to the events which are taking place today; as a tributary which flowed into the main stream and in the fullness of time helped to make possible the greatness and magnitude which we are experiencing today. </span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">But my actual tribute must be paid to the main stream and its leaders; the leaders and the followers, the leaders and the nation. General Hertzog who started it; laid the foundation of the Republican ideal with his point of view, his aims and his endeavours. Although he later felt satisfied with the length of the road on which he was able to walk, he will remain – when in the future a survey is made of the past – the great and powerful architect of what has been achieved. After him came Dr. Malan, the prolonged leader of the republican aim and idea. In the Cape where the republican ideal was not so obvious as in the northern provinces, it was he who clinched the ideal so that when the time came we could stand side by side and make sure that what had to come, did come. Cautiously and calmly, according to his nature, he moved onwards. And then again at the right time that which was also necessary, was added – the ardour and the driving force of Advocate Strijdom, the fighting prophet who had to work to overcome obstacles, who had to work to so engrave this ideal on the heart of the nation that it could remain there indelibly; that it could not disappear but had to come to fulfilment.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">My friends, we have much to thank these leaders for, but together with them we have undeniably much for which we have to thank the followers, who stood behind them right through the past six decades and were prepared to carry this burden until the day of fulfilment. The time of preparation lasted for sixty years, six decades. And then, like a flash of lightning, the Republic was there within two years! The preparation took a long time, essential details were settled, inspiration was given; but the right time had to come and when it came the nation and its leaders had to seize the hand immediately which history offered them. And it is the fame of this generation, we who are sitting together here tonight celebrating, because we did not fail; because we were ready at the right moment, ready at heart, united in our decision and courage to attempt the future.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">I said that in the future we would be judged as a heroic nation. We proved that in those days in those two years of decision. In the five years of the Republic’s existence, we have proved that we can continue working onwards, but it was especially in those fateful months that we had to be prepared to act and did act!</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Now I want to give expression to the often unexpressed longing of our people, that writers and poets may come into existence who can and will sing the praises of their own generation such as those of other nations in their hour of wonder. Oh, if it could also be granted to us as it was granted in the past to great nations in their hour of fame that those would come forward who do not ask hesitatingly. “what is a nation”, but who will cry out; “This is my nation, my nation is like this, thus it can do wonders, thus it can create its own future”. The writer and poet who can sing the praises of what is happening now will be quoted as long as the people of the Republic of South Africa remain. If out of our midst someone would come forward to sing the praises of the life of a nation, without hesitating to pay homage to patriotism, love of country, without following modern patterns which are the fashion elsewhere with nations who are already old, someone who in accordance with the fixed pattern of paying homage to his own people, could push aside what is carnal and ugly and see the spiritual, the beauty and the greatness in modern history and sing their praises! If only we could find such writers and poets of our time, how rich would we not feel? How rich would our people of the future be if they were told by such interpreters whom the heart of the nation feels today – five years after this miraculous event, this great milestone in the history of our people. </span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">My friends, the Republic was once the one-sided ideal of many, but it has become the fulfilment for most. I dare say with great assurance that through these eventful five years many who were not prepared for this constitutional development in 1961, are now happy that it actually did come to pass. We have learned much in these five years. We have learned that we are, even if young, a nation in South Africa; that we all belong to that nation, that with pride we may say; this is our country, the country of all of us. Five years is an extremely short time for so strong a feeling to grow after the differences we had before. The amazing fact of life today is not that there are some who cannot yet accommodate themselves to this new era, but that so many can.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">To the few who cannot yet accept this Republic as the best for South Africa and their own, there is so little to look back to, to hanker for. After all, in the past there was the link with the Commonwealth, which could be looked upon as a club of kindred spirits. It has become quite different, a conglomeration of nations, who do not understand one another in most respects. What is there to desire in that context? Let all who still cannot find it in their hearts to be wholly at one with us, realize this one fact of today’s history, and align themselves in future, whatever political objectives they may have, with us all as one nation, loving one country, prepared to defend her with all that we have.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">There may be another group for whom I have no appeal and no comfort: those who would only accept the Republic if it were a multi-racial or even a Black or a “majority” Republic, as they would call it. Tonight I am not dealing with the wreckers, but with the builders. Those few who cannot see South Africa as it has grown and with all the grand ideals it also has for the others entrusted to its care, but seek to change all this into something wholly new, which would bring us to disaster and chaos as elsewhere in Africa – for them I have no word to say and with them I have no patience.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Let those of us who wish to be builders – and they are nearly the whole of this South African nation – for those of us who wish to be the builders let us continue to face the future with confidence and with hope. Let us be assured of success in the face of difficulties which we know are there. Briefly I wish to answer the question: What then is this Republic of ours, the Republic of the builders of this new nation? I can say at the outset that this Republic is part of the White man’s domain in the world. When viewed in terms of space, the White man’s domain in the world is fairly small; a tip of the great Asian-European Continent, Australia, New Zealand, great parts of the Americas, and this tip of the continent of Africa which is the anchor too of Western civilization. The White man and all that he has created for humanity through the past ages, is of incalculable importance for civilization and for history, and not only for history that has passed. He, and the spirit with which he is endowed, the characteristics which led him to this day and will in the future provide his inspiration, will always be needed where order and peace and progress are desired.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">But, while we see this Republic as part of the White man’s domain, we are not unresponsive to the ideals of others. We see Africa, for example, as it is, a continent of many nations, each with its own degree of development, each with the form of government acceptable to itself, each with its own pace of progress – a continent of many nations, Black nations, and in the southern portion, White. If the world could only realize that this continent is no different from Europe with its many states and nations, and from Asia with its many states and nations! If it only could realize that in this Africa to which we belong, the differences are there and will remain there and must lead to the existence and co-existence of many widely different peoples and states. If only they could realize this, what great opportunities for better co-operation and better solution for all our problems we would then find! We are not insensitive to the ambitions of others. On the contrary we, who as a nation had to fight for what we have and who have achieved this freedom, cannot but understand similar ambitions in the breasts of others. Those who believe in their own nation and its separate existence are best capable of understanding the desires of others to achieve the same.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">We understand the nationalism of each of the separate states of Africa. We understand the similar ambitions of the various nations and national groups at present within our own boundaries. And because of our own experience, we not only understand their ambitions, but would also wish to help lead them to fulfilment in the right way so that it can be an achievement not only for the selected few, a dictator or two, but for the masses, for their progress and their happiness.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">This is a White republic, ruled by the white man, part of the white domain of the world, but with full understanding for the ambitions and objectives of the Black man of Africa within our own midst, our closest neighbours and those farther afield.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">But this Republic is also a Republic of goodwill and friendship. We desire the well-being of all. We have no ambitions, in spite of what some say, to exploit others. Our nearest neighbours, the High Commission Territories, need have no fear. Those further away – states like Zambia, Malawi, many others farther north – need be neither jealous nor filled with fear that we have any intentions of attacking or exploiting them. The one principle we have laid down for ourselves is that we desire nobody to interfere with us, and that precept by which we wish to live, we intend to apply to others. We will not interfere in the development of Basutoland or Swaziland or Bechuanaland or Malawi or any other state of Africa. We offer goodwill, but we expect to receive goodwill in return. We will not interfere, but we will not be interfered with. And so this republic is a republic which is prepared to aid all those who need us but, since our hand of friendship has been struck aside so often, the initiative to obtain aid rests with those who need it. They must ask and we can give. We can give of our knowledge, that knowledge grown from the earth of Africa itself. We can give of our prosperity, plucked from the hard earth of Africa. Al that we possess we worked for. We are not prepared to provide handouts to buy friendship, but are prepared to aid those who wish to work for themselves. Who can keep their eyes off the possessions of others, who can keep their hands to the plough rather than outspread like beggars. We wish to help the process of self-development because no respect and no continued independence can be achieved without working hard and developing your own country yourself.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">To the outside world we must also say that when the morality of our Republic is called in question, when it is said that we are not prepared to accept equality or assimilation with all who are in our midst, to them we must say that morality does not exist on the principle in which they believe, which they have experienced alone. Nations, various kinds of people who live close together, can solve that problem so easily called multi-racialism when there is a multi-national existence. I question the morality of forced assimilation or absorption of peoples.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">It might be the way for some of the mighty nations of the world; it can be true that in the United States of America, its huge majority of White people can assimilate, in the course of time, the non-Whites in their midst. If that is their policy, if that is their way of life, who are we to question it? It is their problem, it is their country, those are their peoples and it is their future which they must seek themselves in their own way. Perhaps that may be the best solution there and in the United Kingdom, which has created a similar problem for itself, it may also be the right way to absorb and to assimilate, but is it the right way for a country like the Republic of South Africa? If we were to apply that principle of assimilation as if it were the only moral solution for our problems, what would happen to the White man whose heritage this South Africa is, settled by his forefathers, built by them throughout three centuries and more, a home for its people, drenched with their sweat and blood of these three centuries? Must the white population be assimilated and lost; must all that they possess and have gained be lost? Would this be right for them? Would this be right for the Coloured and the Indian minorities who would also have to be absorbed in spite of their differences, their own ambitions, partially their own religions? Must they be assimilated and lost? And for the Bantu, would it be right for them to become the dominating group, but in the course of that process to lose their various national identities and perhaps languages and customs and to suffer by being unable, as we know is the case, to direct and run and develop the degree of Western civilization this country has reached in the form of industrialization and more? Would this be right to their masses? The few who might attain power, may be satisfactory and may be wasters for all we know. The masses would become to great extent unemployed and the land desolated, as we have seen elsewhere in Africa. Would it be just to them? Would it be moral to create the semblance of freedom, but in fact allow living conditions of slavery?</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">True morality seeks another solution and that is the solution which this Republic is attempting today. It is the solution of doing right to all in the same way, by following the way that the nations of other continents have sought, namely of each going his separate road. To that we wish to add that we judge it our duty to help those, still far behind in civilization, along the road which for them will be long and difficult. We, the Republic of South Africa, would wish the major nations to have sufficient confidence in our honesty of purpose; in our deep desire to retain for ourselves what is justly ours, but to give to others even more than is justly theirs.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">This is a Republic of peace. We seek peace, co-operation and friendship; we seek peace within our own country, and it is there. The extent of the co-operation from the various non-White groups has again come to the fore during these celebrations because they know what we wish for them.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">We seek peace with our neighbours. If we are invited to the Day of Independence of Bechuanaland or Basutoland or whichever territory might wish our presence, we will be there. We seek peace and friendship with the great nations of the world. We will, however, not sacrifice this Republic and its independence and our way of life. If we are forced to by aggression, we will defend it with all that we have at our disposal. We will bring to the altar our lives, our wealth and all our possessions. This Republic is not simply to be taken away from this new nation which has come so far and is so proud of what it does possess.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">We offer to our immediate neighbours co-operation and goodwill. We do not wish to exploit their interests in the form of any type of economic colonialism. We would rather see them develop on their own and in full control of what is theirs, and must remain theirs in our view, just as what is ours must remain ours according to the same policy. We offer to all the other states the same goodwill and the same co-operation. We offer to the Western nations, big and small, that friendship which we believe should accompany the kinship which we feel with all of them. If this hand of friendship is not welcome, it is not the fault of this Republic, which is built on the high values, the high moral values, which Western Civilization has created through centuries and centuries of endeavour.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">And now my friends, what about the future? It is easy to foretell the future in the material field. Economic development can be vast. The conditions are there; the raw materials exist, the people are there. Concerning this I have no doubt. I do not want to elaborate on that tonight. I have equally little doubt about the solution of our racial problems, if given the time. If meddlesome people keep their hands off us, we shall in a just way, such as behoves a Christian nation, work out solutions in the finest detail and carry them out. We shall provide all our races with happiness and prosperity.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">The problem of the future, however, lies in the international field, because it is not in our hands. We have a road on which we have to walk ourselves. If we can make the nations of the world understand that we are honest and sensible in our aims, then here also I have no doubt. If, however, they should want to sacrifice us and break us down because of their own selfishness in order to get support for their own purposes – not in fairness or with any moral considerations but as the victim of their ambition – then the future for us in the international field would be dark. But I cannot believe it. I cannot believe that in the end the common sense of the human race will not triumph over self-interest. Therefore, I hope that our voices, wherein we bear witness to our good intentions towards all states and people, will extend to all the world so that it will come to its senses and protect us from international pressure and attack.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">If that should be the case then a golden age lies in store for South Africa, this Republic. Then we may ask the question: What do we intend making of that golden age? Only strong legs are able to carry a heavy burden. Are our legs as a nation strong? Shall we be able to build up great spiritual values out of our prosperity if we are safeguarded against attack and adversity? Shall we become contributors to art and science? Shall we keep our faith or shall we become spineless like some other nations in their prosperity? This depends on the character of our people.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">If we as parents and educators use correctly the opportunity which we have, then we can build a great and mighty nation out of this young one. We will: that is my hope and my belief. I believe in our nation. I believe in our inner strength. There have been weaknesses of discord, and others – so often pushed to the fore – which are perhaps still there. But in spite of that we have grown, built, developed and conquered. Why will those characteristics not stay with us and lead us to further growth and victories? I believe that we will do it, and therefore I have an unshakeable faith in the future of our nation.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">This Republic did not come into being easily or quickly. Anything built in a hurry is easily broken down. New states that are continually disintegrating have come into being. Anything that grows slowly is not destroyed easily. </span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Our republic has grown slowly; there were sixty years of preparation and now there have been five years of building up. Signs exist which show that the work can be continued in this way. Our slowly developing state has developed an inner strength; but more still, our state is built on self-sacrifice. The blood of brave men and women has drenched our earth. Those sacrifices burn in the life of a nation like a fire, a fire which is never quenched. Whenever difficulties arise the flame flares again, although it may burn low in the times between.</span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">The fire that steels the hearts of people, will make us stand our ground. We shall continue to dedicate ourselves wholeheartedly to our people and our fatherland. The Republic of South Africa has all our devotion, whether it be in times of fame or grief, in difficult or prosperous times. We dedicate our strength and our lives to this Republic of South Africa.</span></div>
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Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-81483573049312863602010-12-11T09:53:00.003+02:002019-09-24T13:10:45.604+02:00April 14, 1961 Speech by Dr. Verwoerd in Parliament<div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i>On this occasion the Prime Minister took part in the debate and put forward the policy of separate development. An excerpt of the speech follows here.</i></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">I say therefore that the United Party’s policy is an iniquitous policy. Apart from all the arguments I have mentioned, it is based on the bias of permanent discrimination and permanent domination by the Whites, because the Hon. member himself said: “Who says that we do not want to discriminate?” Their policy of racial federation, as it has been explained to us this morning, implies deliberate permanent discrimination and permanent domination.</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">The Hon. member for Parktown has said that discrimination and domination are the soul of this whole debate and the situation in which we find ourselves. It is the soul. And the government is trying with its policy to escape from this dilemma. During the transition period we may still have to apply certain forms of discrimination, and during this period there may be White domination. But the basis of our policy is to try to get away from it. That is why we adopt the policy that the Bantu, wherever he may live in various areas of his own, must be given political control and domination or dominion over his own areas and people. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> Just as the Italians in France retain their vote in Italy, so the Bantu, who are living temporarily in our urban areas, must have a say in their homelands. They should be able to get it up to the highest level and we want to help them to attain that position. After all, there cannot be domination by Whites over Blacks where there are two neighbouring states, the White state and the Black state. We are also trying to solve the problem of the Coloured and of the Indian by accepting the principle of a state within a state so that within the borders of one territory for these two groups, each will be given the fullest opportunity to control its own interests. I admit the difficulties in that connection, and I have always admitted them. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> But I have said that when one finds oneself in that dilemma, one has to choose between these three alternatives: the United Party’s stand of perpetual discrimination and domination; absolute equality and Black domination; or apartheid. To a large extent discrimination is also inherent in the Progressive Party’s stand if they want permanent White leadership to be retained.</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">As far as the United Party is concerned, its policy theoretically therefore includes a form of perpetual domination and discrimination by the Whites, even though I do not believe that that will remain the position. They will lose against the powers that they are letting loose. The same applies to the Progressive Party unless they accept Black rule as a further aim. The inevitable result of such a democracy in a country with a mixed population, as in a country without a mixed population, must be majority rule. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> That is the only true democracy in a mixed fatherland. Any form of mutual arrangement whereby, by means of a constitution, one seeks to deprive a majority group of its rights by limiting its rights to lesser representation (even though it is by members of its own race) so that another group which is smaller, although more skilled or civilised, can retain an equal or a major say, is and still remains discrimination. In due course at least it must disappear as the other advances in civilisation. The moment you say, “I want to give equality; I do not want any domination” (which is the same) then you cannot claim that by legislation you can give a group of 10,000,000 Bantu equal rights with the White group of 3,000,000 and equal rights to a group of 1,500,000 Coloureds and equal rights to a group of 750,000 Indians. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> It simply cannot be described as equal rights. The consequence of an attitude of “no discrimination” and “no domination” and “absolute democracy” in a “mixed fatherland” is “one man one vote”. That is the only consequence. If you do not accept that but a sort of so-called rigid constitution in which you place each group in separate compartments and lay down the limits within which each group can acquire authority however civilised these people may become, with the object of being able to say, “I am protecting the equality or the supremacy of the Whites”, then there is still discrimination and domination.</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">This is why I say to the Hon. member for Parktown that he and his party are in precisely the same difficulty as the United Party and that they are faced with the same dilemma. One should try however, to get out of this dilemma. The only alternative is our way, and that is to see that every group is given complete control over its own interests. When members of one group come into the other man’s area, or on to the other man’s terrain in the case of the Coloureds and the Indians, they must be prepared to accept that they are guests there. If the White man goes into the Bantu areas he cannot expect to be given joint control there. And this is what I believe to be a mistake in Britain’s handling of Basutoland, and it may become her mistake also in the handling of Swaziland. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> The former cannot become a multi-racial state. As far as the latter is concerned an attempt is apparently being made, instead of sharing it and giving the White man and the Black man each full authority over that portion which he occupies or which is his, to create a multi-racial authority and then to try by means of all sorts of legal provisions and measures, to see that the Black man does not get sole control. I see only one road, however difficult it may be and whatever further consideration it may require as one progresses from step to step, and that is the policy of separate areas.</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Then the leaders of the various racial groups can meet, as is done at a Prime Ministers’ Conference or when different nations meet, on a basis of absolute equality in a consultative body to discuss matters of common interest. That is why I said I foresee that the eventual outcome of this policy will be no discrimination and no domination. Each group will look after its own interests, and they will then meet in a consultative body where they can sit together to eliminate as far as possible all points of friction and difficulties by means of discussions and negotiations. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">That is the only way, and Hon. members who have tried to ridicule this, as the Hon. the Leader of the Opposition has also tried to do, are being superficial. What they themselves propose has been proved to be completely ridiculous. Every argument of ridicule, every criticism that the Hon. Leader of the Opposition and other members have tried to put forward in respect of our policy can be applied to their policy, as has been done here today. For the umpteenth time therefore I say that no solution has been put forward by the Opposition. </span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> Along the road which we are following, we are squarely facing all the essential differences which confront us; there is no bluff; this road offers protection to the White man because along this road we recognise the fact that there must be differentiation. The minute you refuse to recognise and to accept the necessity for differentiation, and you make equality the basis of your policy, you find yourself in the difficulty and the trouble that I have outlined. Whether you want it or not, there will ultimately be Black domination. I do not want to pursue that any further.</span></span></span></div>
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… In many of these [other] countries there is still discrimination, including those which say that they are the enemies of discrimination. Amongst those countries where the position is really bad, our accusers are in the forefront. In India, that is true for various groups; some of them have already been mentioned in public. The Nagas are the youngest section, but there are also others like the Sikhs. In Ceylon there is discrimination against the Tamils. </span></span></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><br /></span></span></span>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> In Malaya there is discrimination against the Indian section of the population, and even to some extent against the Chinese there. Britain also is not guiltless of still practising domination, as e.g. in the Protectorates. Australia is not guiltless of ruling over others. It is the guardian over the population of Papua in New Guinea. Canada is not guiltless of discrimination in its behaviour towards the Indians and the Eskimos. All these countries say: Yes, that is true, but it is not the policy of our Government; it is only characteristic of a transition period. Now my standpoint this morning was that the Government in fact tries to find a policy whereby, whatever might happen in the transition period (just as in other countries), it is the object and the motive to evolve a method as a result of which eventually there need not be discrimination or domination. </span></span></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">That is just as much a motive of the Government here as there is a motive of any of the other countries in the world, inter alia, those I mentioned. However, those countries do not want to view our policy in that light. They want to view our policy in the way they interpret it: that we want to dominate and oppress for ever.</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">All of us are co-responsible for this wrong impression, all the parties here, and I do not exclude my own party, nor do I exclude myself personally. The fact is that previously we spoke a lot about domination. We used words like that. As we developed our policy and put our case more clearly, having regard to the latest world developments, we arrived at this clear standpoint that discrimination must be eliminated by carrying separation far enough. </span></span></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><br /></span></span></span>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"> That is an attitude I put forward at a very early stage (something for which I have often been reproached by the Opposition), namely, when I stated on the occasion of the dissolution of the Natives’ Representative Council, “Our policy of parallel development is aimed at domination for you in your areas, just as we want domination for ourselves in our areas”. Therefore at a very early stage I indicated that our moral basis was that we were trying to give everyone his full rights for his own people. That is the goal we are striving for- just as other countries which, like us, are still in a transition period – say they are doing, I tried to emphasise clearly again this morning, and I do not propose to go into it again, that our idea of four kinds of parallel groups of authority eventually, is that you then actually follow a method whereby the one racial group will not permanently rule the other, but that every racial group will be given self-rule of its own people, in an area of its own, where possible.</span></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #edc396; font-family: "helvetica";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 20px;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;">Hon. members may differ from me on the practicability of our policy, and they may differ from me on the possibility of the application of some part of the policy. But they cannot continue to proclaim to the world that we are being dishonest in saying that that is our motive. They have no right to do so. At this stage I cannot enlarge further upon our attitude. I simply wanted to explain this point.</span></span></span></div>
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Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-5690212946522983782010-12-04T05:59:00.010+02:002012-02-23T04:47:44.469+02:00March 17, 1961 Prime Minister Verwoerd addresses The South African Club in London<div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><i></i></div><i></i><br />
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<div style="font: normal normal normal 20px/normal Helvetica; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; text-align: justify;"><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><i></i></span></i></div><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><i><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 18.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i>The tenth conference of Commonwealth Prime Ministers since World War II did not live up to expectations as far as South Africa was concerned. The discussions concerning South Africa’s request for continued membership after becoming a republic could not make any headway. The eleven member states – Britain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Ghana, Malaya and Nigeria, together with the Prime Minister of the Federation of the Rhodesias and Nyasaland who had been invited to attend – were of such a divergent character that attacks on South Africa’s racial policy could have been expected.</i></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 18.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; min-height: 22.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i></i></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 18.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i>When some member states threatened to make progressively unreasonable demands on South Africa, Dr. Verwoerd brought about a dramatic trend in the discussions by withdrawing his request for continued membership on Wednesday night, the 15th March, 1961 in the congregation hall of historic Lancaster House.<br />
Before the conference commenced, it had been arranged that the 17th March. After the dramatic turn of events, Dr. Verwoerd was obliged to change the theme of his speech, to which so much importance was attached that the B.B.C. made special arrangements to keep open one of its networks to broadcast it, something which had never been done before.<br />
South Africa was not the first independent member to resign from the Commonwealth. The Republic of Ireland withdrew from the Commonwealth in 1949.</i></span></div></i></span></i></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
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<div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">On former similar occasions the problem of black-white relations in South Africa has been accorded particular attention. This time the wonderful potentialities and variety of South Africa could justifiably have been placed in the foreground – this diamond with many facets. I would dearly have loved to have reminded you of the beauty of the South African scenery – its mountains, its blue sky, its white beaches and the surrounding sea, the open veld, the dry and healthy Karoo, the luxurious Low veld, the vineyards and orchards of the south and the north, its green maize lands, the great cultivated areas of yellow sunflower, the waving gold of the wheat lands, the tobacco plantations, the irrigation settlements – green borders stretching from horizon to horizon beside miles of slowly flowing river, green even in the driest winter.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I would wish to guide you to the wild flowers of the Namaqualand, the protea and the silver tree of the Cape and visit with you old homesteads, great national parks filled with wild animals from the smallest antelope to the lion, the rhinoceros, the giraffe and the elephant.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">And all this beauty and variety is only one single facet which today largely escapes the attention.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">One would wish to talk of South Africa’s prosperity – this land of opportunity; of the economic development of the last 50 years, and of the last ten; of the old mines and the new; of the older industries and the younger, for greater development and the preparation for much more to come, expansion planned systematically, even for ten years ahead.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">One would wish to praise farseeing investors from within and without the country who can see through the mists, imagined or otherwise, and seek to participate timeously in the prosperity which lies ahead in this always most stable part of Africa – this Europe of Africa, similar to the small strip of the Euro-Asian continent called Europe, which differs wholly from the continent and thereby led the world to all that it is today.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I would wish to talk about the new nation which we are building – our scientific endeavour, the growth of our educational institutions, and our welfare work, all in the interests of all sections of the community.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Unfortunately, present occurrences would make such a painting of the full and true South African scene seem unrealistic, because owing to the conference which has just ended, everybody’s attention has once again been focussed solely on the one facet of white-black relations and our policy for solving the political problem involved. Even though you would, like myself, prefer to turn this diamond to the sunshine to let its brilliance scintillate and delight, I am compelled, once again, to hold this one, familiar facet before you.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">This is particularly necessary because of what occurred during the last few days.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I came to London with the conviction that the Commonwealth would remain based on the same lines as heretofore, i.e. a body of nations wholly independent, in no wise subordinate one to the other, and who therefore do not interfere in each other’s domestic affairs, even under the subterfuge that they affect international relations. The Commonwealth has always been founded on seeking points of agreement, and co-operating on them while forgetting (within that combination) all differences, however strongly they might have to be stated and fought elsewhere. South Africa persisted in this mature attitude throughout this meeting, as before, when she supported the membership of India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Malaya, Ghana and Nigeria, without hesitation, in spite of boycotts and sustained attacks at the UN and elsewhere by them.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">At this conference it was their duty to the ideal of Commonwealth association to do likewise. Unfortunately some of them failed, in their immaturity. The great vision was beyond them. A witch hunt was more to their liking. The change from monarchy to republic was of no importance in this except as an opportunity to raise a matter which would otherwise have been raised by a special motion either now or soon.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">South Africa was prepared to attempt to have the air cleared by consenting to a full discussion of her policies. She was prepared to discuss and to agree to one formula after the other, in which in various ways both sides could sum up their case in the public communiqué. This would have enabled the opponents of South Africa’s policy, which they had attacked very volubly in advance in public to prove to their countries that they had persisted in these attacks, and that the fact that South Africa remained in the Commonwealth in no way meant that they thereby condoned, or accepted co-responsibility for her policies.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Retainment of membership would have been solely due to the purely constitutional position. We were prepared in the interest of the Commonwealth to accept any such proposition, however unpleasant, and to our minds wrong, such statements on a member’s policy would be, and even though this might prove harmful to South Africa.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The conciliatory attitude of South Africa must have been a disappointment to out attackers who then in a much more hostile manner than before began to make further demands. They now wanted the communiqué to contain, over and above the expression of their opinions, the addition at the end of what would be a joint condemnatory resolution, as well as the formulation (as a principle of the Commonwealth) that its multi-racial character should not only be respected in the relationships between nations, as is done by all of us, South Africa included, but that this must apply to the internal policies of constituent members as well.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It would have to apply in such a way that full integration could be the only form which would do justice to such a principle. This would not only constitute interference in domestic affairs but would also mean the disappearance of the rights of the white man and of the minority coloured groups in South Africa.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I could not accept this for South Africa. South Africa could not remain a member under such a formula without being under continual fire of remaining under false pretences.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">But this was not all. It was made clear to us that, should we remain, we would be under the threat of a proposal for expulsion, whether sooner or later, even within days. And still not satisfied with this, several Afro-Asian nations gave notice that if South Africa nevertheless retained membership, they would have to consider whether they could remain members.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Under such circumstances it must be clear to everybody that it was not a matter of not being accommodating, but that on two scores I was driven to the decision I took. Both the honour of South Africa and the practical considerations involved for South Africa made the decision to withdraw the indication of our desire to retain membership inevitable.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Besides, I had to take into consideration the invidious position in which our friends, and particularly the United Kingdom, would be placed if I forced them to decide the issue and perhaps to choose between members! The only honourable and friendly method of solving the problem was to take the decision I did, however hard and sad. In the circumstances it is most unfair to blame my stand on foolish and unnecessary obstinacy.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">And now, what lies ahead?</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">For the United Kingdom, the opportunity to hold together in her own way, if she can, the new and changing Commonwealth of increasingly non-White nations. She can attempt to do so without the embarrassment of South Africa with her policy of creating full but separate opportunities for White and Black. Indeed, particular emphasis should in future be laid, as we do, on the fact that the White people of Africa, being in the minority, from now onwards have the greater need for care and justice.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">For South Africa and the United Kingdom and the other old friends this decision means new opportunity. They must seek to develop in other ways, untrammelled by the former problems, great bonds of friendship and co-operation to their mutual advantage. We are already working on these lines. Perhaps it is better this way, since sources of possible clash in most difficult situations fall away. Our trade and bilateral agreements, including the maintenance of the preferential trading arrangements. South Africa’s membership of the sterling area, and the value of our gold production, defence agreements with regard to a common enemy, etc., need undergo no change. They can be re-endorsed in what our experts find to be the correct manner.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">This is a comforting assurance. We need each other. With friendship unimpaired and so many interests so intertwined to our mutual benefit, this is wise policy, and will, I trust, and have reasons to believe, become wise practice. We will leave London satisfied that what happened had to be, and that our countries and their leaders remain better and more understanding friends than ever before.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">For the purpose of what I have to say on race relations I shall presume a fairly extensive knowledge of the details of the Government policy of separate development. Today it seems more imperative to deal with the wider background of this policy, its morality and purpose. My reason for this approach is that it seems to me that the world at large and your own public have accepted, even if reluctantly, that South Africa has done and is doing more for the welfare of its non-white people than any other state in Africa.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In fact, it seems as if it is already being realised that the Asiatic nations and even others in Europe or South America fall behind, sometimes far behind, the achievements of South Africa in this respect with regard to her Bantu. South Africa has progressed very far indeed in the education and training for professions and trades of all its peoples, in health services for all, in housing, in income per capita, in health services for all, in housing, in income per capita, in the scope of the services each group provides for its own people, including the provision of tradesmen, administrators and professional men of all kinds.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Other countries would justifiably claim and receive great credit for creating such material benefits and great opportunity for the general advancement of their masses. It is only in the case of South Africa that all this is swept aside with the bland statement that all this is worth nothing as long as one looks upon the recipients as inferior beings to whom participation in the government is denied.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It is of no avail to emphasise that the Government’s policy is not based on people being inferior but being different, or to point out that a member of an African State can scarcely be accounted fortunate if he is in rags, with little to eat, with low wages, little continuous employment and a shack to live in, if the only compensation for all that he lacks and suffers is that he has the vote!</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Does the vote satisfy and aid the people if the masses have to exercise this vote without much personal discretion because they know nothing of politics, or because a black near-dictator or a politically minded half-educated clique demands blind allegiance to keep them in power?</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It is this distortion of values in the eyes of the prejudiced or blind critics from afar, judging according to their own privileged experience and advanced state, which makes for the unjust and unfavourable condemnation of South Africa. Lack of perspective leads to nonsensical statements like the following which I collected from your newspapers: “South Africa discriminates unfairly and hates its coloured people! Government policy tramples on the rights of the black people whom they regard as inferiors!<br />
“South Africa’s assurances as to its aims and intentions for the development of its non-White people are dishonest! South Africa wishes to retain white supremacy throughout black and white areas and is not prepared to grant the non-Whites any political rights anywhere whatsoever! South Africa wants to keep the non-Whites in the position of second class citizens who will never participate in any form of government!</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
“South Africa must provide a blueprint for the future and this should contain no other ultimate object than domination by the black man which the white man must concede if he wishes to be allowed to live there in peace even though he then loses the vote or its value!”</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">A reply can be given to each of these, and many other, outrageous accusations and unjust criticisms which in addition do not take account of one great fundamental fact, namely that the white man of South Africa has as much or perhaps more right to justice and fair treatment and self-government, in his areas. To judge the morality of a policy it must be remembered that in all ethics a balance must be struck between different values, different rights. Absolute right for the one may mean tremendous injust</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">ice to the other.</span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I wish to deal with these contentions, either directly or by implication and commence by stating the dilemma of South Africa. Its problem is unique. Nowhere in the world and never in history has a situation developed which is quite similar. The solution must therefore also be unique. And yet everybody, everywhere, whether knowledgeable or quite uninformed, would like to impose theoretical ideas and principles or solutions found to be, or thought to be, useful elsewhere, on this different situation. Allow me to put to y</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">ou the factors involved in very broad outlines.</span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">More than 300 years ago two population groups, equally foreign to South Africa, converged in rather small numbers on what was practically empty country. Neither colonised another man’s country or robbed him by invasion and oppression. Each settled and gradually extended his settlements, and in the main each sought a different part to become his own. There were clashes and frontier wars, and border areas were conquered, but since then the white man has added, and is adding, more land to the Bantu areas from what he himself settled and intended to be his own.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The first point is therefore, that there was no colonialism, only separate settlement by each, nearly simultaneously, and each had the chance to develop his country to serve his growing population for more than 300 years. The white man did this but not the black man and the white man did not use his power to overrun and acquire black man’s country. In fact, only in South Africa, the white man deliberately reserved it for him and endeavoured (mostly in vain) to train him to make the best use of it, as he did with his own, and to such good purpose that the black man came to him for employment, food and the good things of life, and not for political conquests.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The white man therefore has not only an undoubted stake in, and right to, the land which he developed into a modern industrial state from denuded veld and empty valleys and isolated mountains, but according to all principles of morality it was his, is his and must remain his.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It is true that, in the course of time, he received within his country growing numbers of black people. Some fled to him for protection, driven out of their own country by internecine strife and the heavy hands of tyrants. Many came to him seeking relief from hunger or attracted by the bright lights of cities or by the desire for money or the good things of life.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It is also true that elsewhere immigrants from one country to another could become fully-fledged citizens with political rights under certain conditions. It must, however, not be forgotten that for that very reason such countries could, and do, ration and restrict entrance to numbers which would not change the character of the nation or the control of its country, its culture and ideals or its very existence.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">South Africa did not need to exercise this control and could be very liberal in giving entry, providing aid and a better life to all who entered, even illegally, because such consequences did not come into the picture on the South African scene.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The non-whites who entered the white man’s country or the urban areas, came solely to seek employment, safety, health, education, all of which was provided freely by the white man, and knowing of and not expecting and not even thinking of political rights.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">There was thus no question of robbing the white man of his country by any political result of this entry in huge numbers, or by the natural increase of his population under the white man’s protection and care. This was world-wide usage. Particularly as the result of their stage of civilisation, it was never contemplated that their presence would one day cause pressure upon the children of the white pioneer settlers of empty land to hand over without protest or resistance their whole heritage to such newcomers and protégés.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In fact, it seemed then that for all time the Whites would as guardians even have to rule the black man’s country as part of their own in his interest because he could not be developed to do this properly for himself. This white man therefore allowed the influx to continue until he was outnumbered four to one, and even now, against his will, streams of illegal black immigrants flow across his borders from many parts of Africa, because of the better wages and way of life they find in this land of so-called oppression.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">What is the solution to this dilemma, which history and the unexpected awakening of the black man has handed us? Theorists and others who far away can remain unaffected themselves, but philosophise gladly on the handing over of what is the possession of others, expect the white South African to give away gradually (and knowing that after the first step the pace will become uncontrollable) his country and his possessions and indeed ultimately his whole nationhood and existence.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Where does morality come in if this is demanded? If there must be justice for the black man, there must be justice for the white man and the Coloured too, who will both be affected and suppressed.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The British fought to the death for their very existence. Cannot you understand us doing so too? And yet we do not only seek and fight for a solution which will mean our survival, but seek one which will grant survival and full development, politically and economically to each of the other racial groups as well, and we are even prepared to pay a high price out of our earnings for their future.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The moral problem just like the political problem, is to find a way out of this extremely difficult and complicated situation, caused by the fact that no longer as in the past is the black man incapable or undesirous of participation in the control of his political destinies. Nor is there any longer anyone prepared to oppress him by refusing the fulfilment of such ambitions in a form fair to all. Again I ask: What is the solution?</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In certain parts of Africa where the white man also ruled alone before, a solution is relatively easy. Those who find it easy there and do not realise the great difference between the two situations, are unfortunately tempted to wish to transplant that solution to South Africa. I refer to the countries of Africa which undoubtedly belong to the black man by settlement and inheritance, although they were taken over, administered and developed by different white nations. It is right that their land should now politically become their own.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Then there are in Africa other states where the political solution is not so straight-forward or simple in spite of the fact that those territories were black-settled and at least theoretically not open space when whites originally moved in. The Whites are also far in the minority in these areas and this seems to support the demand for making black states out of these areas as well.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">On the other hand the main body of these white people were genuine settlers, many for generations, and the fact cannot be denied that the development and prosperity of these areas today are wholly the result of their initiative investment, hard work and administrative capacity. In that sense it is their country too, or at least parts are, and they or their kin in the mother country have ruled alone until now. Have justice and the demands of morality nothing to say about the primary rights of these white people?</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In the first planning it was accepted that their rights should be fully protected and the idea of partnership was born. This partnership was, for a long time to come, actually intended to be junior partnership for the Blacks and the continued control as senior partner by the Whites. Warnings made no impression on the rulers overseas that this theory would not work out that way, with the inevitable result that the black majorities soon demanded, and are quickly receiving, the right to what amounts to full control with the white man pushed out of politics to all intents and purposes.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">He must furthermore expect to lose his possessions and see his hard-won farms, well-developed areas and businesses fall to pieces when he must go, as he realises is inevitable. It is in such areas that the white settlers feel that they have been left in the lurch by parent countries.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Neither of these solutions would therefore suit the already described quite different South African situation. Not only are the Whites less outnumbered that anywhere else, and not only do they claim the empty country settled by their forefathers as really theirs, but they know that if they gave way to some preliminary form of partnership it would become the end of white civilisation in South Africa too - and white civilisation in the world would lose its only anchor in Africa. The lessons of the developments set out before are clear.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Forget the word “apartheid”. Forget any term by which to describe a policy, and just ask yourselves what you would do under such circumstances.</span></span></div><div style="color: #c1993f; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div color="#c1993f" style="font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">There are three possibilities. One is that the white people of South Africa should sacrifice themselves, their possessions and the generations to come. They can do this by surrendering to black rule, even if it became a dictatorship, and evacuate the country of their forebears, or by remaining and becoming an indistinguishable part of a black nation. Would you really choose that if it were England of which we are speaking?</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Another way is to bluff yourself by making apparently smaller concessions, hoping to stave off the evil day, so that your children or grandchildren may suffer, but not you. This could be done by accepting some black people in Parliament and in every phase of life in the community, in the hope that their selfish satisfaction of life in the community, in the hope that their selfish satisfaction of own ambition will prevent them from developing and leading the ambitions of their masses.<br />
And if this does not happen, what then? If junior partnership would quickly – very, very quickly – also lead in South Africa to the demand for black rule alone, must the white man fight or submit? And at what stage should he admit that his subtle attempt to retain power has failed?</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In fact, this second method of solving the problem, solves nothing at all. It only means that the struggle for power goes on and on, while the white ruler of today lets things develop until he gives in as before, or finds himself at last fighting in the last, or nearly last, ditch for self-preservation.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">There is another method, however, and that is to take your example from the nations: live and let live – apart. Would anybody in the United Kingdom accept as his ideal for the Commonwealth that it should became one state with one central government, controlled solely by numbers and not by the merit of your country as leader state, smaller in numbers but great in experience and knowledge?</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">That one multi-racial state, including the province which Great Britain would then be, would of necessity be governed from India under the majority control of those hundreds and hundreds of millions of non-Europeans con</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">centrated there, bolstered by others scattered over the earth.</span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Of course you thrust this aside as nonsense, but why must South Africa accept just that for herself in a smaller way? We prefer each of our population groups to be controlled and governed by themselves, as nations are. Then they can co-operate as in a Commonwealth or in an economic association of nations where necessary.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Where is the evil in this? Or in the fact that in the transition stage the guardian must needs keep the ward in hand and teach him and guide him and check him where necessary? This is separate development.</span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span></div><div style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br />
</span></span></div><div color="#edc396" style="font: 20.0px Helvetica; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">South Africa will proceed in all honesty and fairness to seek – albeit by necessity through a process of gradualness – peace, prosperity and justice for all by following the model of the nations which in this modern world means political independence coupled with economic interdependence.</span></span></div>Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-12417888889911892922010-12-04T04:42:00.010+02:002019-09-24T13:06:20.271+02:00May 20, 1959 Senate Speech Promoting Bantu Self Government - HF Verwoerd<div>
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<i><i><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i>In this speech the Prime Minister, Dr. Verwoerd, once again elucidated on the policy of separate development, and stated fully its implication. An excerpt of his speech is published here.</i></span></i></i></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">… Furthermore, I want to argue as follows. If that will be the result, if through the capabilities of the Bantu it happens that here in South Africa there will be a White state, a big and strong White nation, along with various Bantu national units and areas (or states, if you like) how is that different from what we have in Europe? Are there not in other parts of the world such as Europe, South America and Asia, various nations and states next to each other within the same continent or part of a continent? What would have happened to France, to Germany and to Britain if they had lost all their borders and their populations had become intermingled?</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> And if those nations do not desire anything like that, and if it is not necessary there, and if it cannot happen there, why is it so terrible if in South Africa there are also various nations and territories and even neighbouring states? Do we find that the all-white nations and states in Europe try to or succeed in becoming one unit without borders? Have those nations become intermingled or has a multi-racial state been established in Europe? Or did we see throughout the centuries, even after the one state conquered the other, e.g. when Charlemagne established his empire, that the various nations again split up and re-established their national borders? Therefore, just as in other parts of the world, we must be able to accept that in Africa there can be various states on one continent or part of it.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">These states can nevertheless have a bond, the bond of common interest. Such a bond has even become the modern ideal in Europe, viz. in the economic sphere where they are trying to form a common European market. It is the ideal to retain political independence with economic interdependence. That is the spirit which prevails in other parts of the world where states with various borders, large ones and small ones, occur, but suddenly now something like that is inconceivable in South Africa, and dangerous.</span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Now I ask further: If there cannot be such a division, if the possibility of having separate territories as an eventual settlement of political aims is not possible – how long that development will take, I do not know – what is the other way out? The United Party [opposition] has said over and over: Nothing else is possible but a common South Africa, a multi-racial country, although numerically the Bantu will outnumber the Whites three or four times. </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I repeat, with candour and in the best interests of the White people of South Africa, that I choose an assured White state in South Africa, whatever happens to the other areas, rather than to have my people absorbed in one integrated state in which the Bantu must eventually dominate. One Bantustan for the whole of South Africa is the inevitable consequence of the policy of the United Party.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Therefore to talk about partition and sub-division as being a distasteful pattern is utterly nonsensical, because in terms of both policies there will be Black areas, and in terms of the policy of apartheid the White man will at least control his own area, whatever the difficulties might be and however hard it might be. He at least has the opportunity to save himself, which under a multi-racially controlled state he will not have.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The next argument I want to deal with is the allegation made by the Leader of the Opposition that our course of action shows a lack of confidence in the ability of the White man to retain his leadership. I will have more to say about leadership at a later stage, but at the moment I want merely to say this in regard to that argument, that leadership in a democracy is not retained by men of pious words. It depends on numbers, as anybody who has made a study of the history of any nation knows. In the final result it is force of numbers which predominates – high or low, poor or rich, Black or White – and therefore it is necessary to apply all our energies and to make sacrifices and to work hard to ensure that there will be a White part of South Africa (even though we must accept the presence of the Coloureds) where the Bantu population will not predominate in that community as part of that community.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The next argument of the Hon. the Leader of the Opposition was particularly surprising to me. He said that as recently as the First World War the races in South Africa were still separated, and then the policy of Botha, Smuts and Hertzog, who believed in separate governmental areas, was possible. His further argument was that since the First World War the Bantu workers streamed into the industrialised areas of South Africa, which now makes it impossible to have separate governmental areas. The migration of Bantu from other parts of Africa to South Africa, is also concerned here. Therefore the inflow of the Bantu into the industrial areas in the White parts of South Africa, and also the inflow of Bantu from other parts of Africa, make the ideal which was possible in the past, the ideal of separate government, impossible. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Does the Hon. the Leader of the Opposition realise what he is really saying? He says he admits that before the First World War there was a definite White governmental area here, and therefore Botha, Smuts and Hertzog were justified in saying that we had our own area, and that the Bantu were separate, but that that became impossible as the result of the inflow of Bantu workers from our Native reserves, from the rural areas and from other parts of Africa. My reply to that is that he then accepts a bloodless conquest of the White area by the Bantu, whom the White man wanted to accept only as workers and not as people who would become partners and later the conquerors of this country. If there is any nation in the world which is prepared to allow itself to be robbed of its country by those to whom it only did good and whom it provided with work, then I say that we on this side are not prepared to be “hands-uppers” together with the United Party and to surrender and hand over our country a</span></span><span style="color: #ffcc99; letter-spacing: 0px;">s the result of a bloodless conquest.</span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I want to compare the position with what would happen in Britain if Britain were to allow Jamaicans to enter the country to seek work to such an extent that in the end they would be in the majority (if immigration on such a scale were possible in such a small country). Would the British just quietly say: We will not stop the inflow, and as soon as they number 70,000,000 or 80,000,000 and we are only 59,000,000 (or whatever the figure may be), then they are in the majority, and because everybody should have equal rights therefore England in future will belong to them! That is ridiculous, but it is in line with what now has to happen in South Africa according to the argument of the United Party. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> The in-flowing Black workers have increased in number to such an extent that a multi-racial Government must follow and in that way they will become the conquerors of White South Africa, just as the Jamaicans would be in England if they were permitted to do the same thing that the Leader of the Opposition says took place here since the First World War. That is the most peculiar argument I have ever heard as a plea for the granting of political rights to the Bantu, as is the statement that we should not protect ourselves and should not keep the government of the country in our own hands. In the time of Botha, Smuts and Hertzog it was correct, but not in our time, it seems, because we have been conquered already by the large number of immigrants. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The next argument was that we are changing the map of South Africa; we are forming a horseshoe of the Prime Minister’s Black states. </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Has the Leader of the Opposition ever considered that neither I nor this party but history, and partly the history of the time when the White man was still landing in Africa, placed the Bantu in the areas where they still are? They inherited it, as we inherited our area. This horseshoe was not created by us or by any organisation we established or by any Act we passed. The Bantu themselves settled there, where the White people found them and where they still are. Is the Leader of the Opposition going to deprive them of that horseshoe? If not, why does he attack us? </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> He does not want to unify the whole of South Africa, as I said a moment ago. He wants the Bantu to retain their horseshoe. In fact, the heart-lands (in situation, not in numbers) of that horseshoe are Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland. Just look at the map; those are the heart-lands of that horseshoe, apart from the Transkei and Zulu-land. He therefore also knows that Britain has been in control of that horseshoe from 1910 until now.</span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Did he therefore intend to say that Britain wants to bind South Africa in a vice of Black states in the form of that horseshoe? No, only now, when the National Party is considering safeguarding South Africa by recognising Bantu self-government in those areas, suddenly this is a dangerous horseshoe. It was not us who put the Bantu there. He was there. The United Party wants him to remain there. Nor can we disregard the fact that he is there. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Therefore to say that we are changing the map of South Africa is absolute nonsense. But let me ask this further question: Should one throw up the sponge when one finds oneself in difficulties? If it is true that there is a horseshoe of Black states, due partly to the actions of Britain, must we say then that consequently we must simply allow the rest of South Africa to become mixed and in the final result to become dominated by the Bantu? I look upon this horseshoe argument as one fit for a debating society but not for a serious discussion on the destiny of a nation.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In spite of that, Hon. members on the other side enlarged on it. The Hon. the Leader of the Opposition even came along with the argument about the dangers which would develop on our border under such a future arrangement; inter alia, that it would become a springboard for foreign ideologies, that Communists would be able to take over the areas and that the Bantu states would be able to enter into their own treaties. He also asked which navy, which air force, might perhaps dominate those states? He says that in this way our coastal area is handed over to foreign powers! </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">These are alarmists stories he is spreading in advance of a far-distant future, when there will be the fullest development. He does not use those stories for the transition period. He is afraid of what will happen if Bantu states come into being one day. Let us assume that it is possible that some of the dangers which the Hon. Leader of the Opposition mentioned may arise. Let me then point out to hon. members opposite that they must be logical. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> While I accept for the sake of argument that that may be so, it must be noted in the first place that the same Leader of the Opposition who accused us about these “dangerous” states, later in the debate accused me of wanting to create such weak little states! I believe he even spoke about the immorality of this. On the one hand he talks about the tremendous danger and, on the other, of the creation of weak little states, which would be an injustice.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Let us examine the position if we accept for argument’s sake that they may become dangerous independent states. I contend, of course, and it is my belief, that there are no grounds for the fear and anxiety of the Leader of the Opposition. </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">My belief is that the development of South Africa on the basis of this Bill will create so much friendship, so much gratitude, so many mutual interests in the process of the propulsive development that there will be no danger of hostile Bantu states, but that there will arise what I called a commonwealth, founded on common interests, and linked together by common interests in this southern part of Africa. In other words, I believe that these dangers of foreign ideologies, of foreign navies, and so on, will not materialise.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">If the Hon. Leader of the Opposition wants to frighten people, however – fear which I believe will be proved to be unfounded – then my reply to this type of reasoning is that in the long run </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I would prefer to have a smaller White state in South Africa which will control its own army, its own navy, its own police, its own defence force, and which will stand as a bulwark for White civilisation in the world and which, in the event of an emergency and a clash with ideologies in neighbouring states, will also have the support of the outside world to enable it to maintain itself (in other words, rather a White nation which can fight for its survival), than a bigger state which has already been surrendered to Bantu domination.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I propose now to sketch the consequences, in terms of this same type of reasoning, of the United Party’s policy. What would be the (remember this) eventual position – because after all the Hon. the Leader of the Opposition argues in terms of the situation which will eventually arise when our policy is carried out – </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">what would be the eventual situation in the event of his policy being carried out? Then you would have a multi-racial community and a multi-racial state with ever-expanding control by, and a joint say on the part of, continually developing Natives in one joint country, with the Natives outnumbering the Whites four to one.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">(Do not let us take the other groups into account.) What would that involve? A South African army and a South African police force under black generals; an air force under a Black air-marshal; a government with Black Cabinet Ministers; a Parliament with Black Members of Parliament; administrators and mayors, all Black! Now I ask the Hon. Leader of the Opposition: With such an end in view, what hope would there be for the White man? Not only would he not have his own army, his own defence force and his own diplomatic channels to protect himself against foreign ideologies, if there is an emergency, but he would already be under the domination and under the superior power of the army, navy, air force, police service, government – nation-wide – of the Black man. Is that the eventual picture which the leader of the Opposition wants South Africa to choose?</span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> If the Leader of the Opposition wants to come along with alarmist stories about imaginary eventual consequences of our policy than I can do the same about his! Hon. members over there laugh. But if they were not prepared to ridicule their own Leader when he put forward this sort of proposition, why is it so ridiculous when one outlines to them the consequences of the other alternative, the road to Bantu domination? </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Their laughter is born out of despair; it is an admission of the weakness and senselessness of this type of argument. In any event this type of speculation gets us nowhere. </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">What we are trying to achieve under our apartheid policy is a South Africa which endeavours to build up reasonable opportunities for the Bantu in such a way and of such a nature that we can secure their permanent friendship and co-operation without giving them domination over the whole of our own area in addition to their own. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> And if in the coming years all the wisdom of statesmen is harnessed to allow development to take place in this way, and if the Opposition and its Press and the liberals who oppose this peaceful neighbourly development would stop their venomous attacks, then there would and must be great hope for South Africa. Then friendship with other racial areas and also other colour groups here would grow. But only then, never otherwise.</span></span></div>
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Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-88562116061660039542010-12-04T00:32:00.024+02:002019-09-24T13:01:44.674+02:00September 3, 1948 The Policy of Apartheid - HF Verwoerd<div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i>Dr. Verwoerd’s accession to politics took place on high level.</i></span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><i>Almost immediately after becoming a member of the Senate, he participated in the debate on the Opposition’s motion of no confidence, in which the delay of the Government to put the implications and meaning of “apartheid” clearly and unambiguously before the nation, was lamented. Quoting official publications of the National Party, he gave such a clear explanation of the Government’s “apartheid” policy that it was a revelation even to Senators of the Opposition. In this speech a keen observer can clearly perceive the unfolding of Dr. Verwoerd’s order of thought, of which only the part dealing with “apartheid” is published.</i></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The apartheid policy has been </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">described as what one can do in the direction of what one regards as ideal. Nobody will deny that for the Native as well as for the European, complete separation would have been the ideal if it had developed that way historically. If we had had a white South Africa in the sense in which we have a white England and a white Holland and a white France, and if there had been a Native state somewhere for the Natives, and if this white state could have developed to a self-supporting condition as those European states have developed by themselves, then we should certainly not have had the friction and the difficulties which we have today. Surely it would have been an ideal state of affairs. If the Native had not had anything to do with the Whites, if he were capable of managing his own affairs, it would also have been an ideal state of affairs for him.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">And if that is the case, then surely it cannot do any harm to see it and to state it; it can do only good. If you appreciate that you are saddled with a complicated situation, a highly complicated situation, you must have the direction in which you wish to move to solve your problems clearly in mind. In every field of life one has to fix one’s eyes on the stars, to see how close one can come to achieving the very best, to achieving perfection. For that reason, I say this: keep in view what promises to be best for your country and try to approach it within the realm of what is practical.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I want then in this connection to give a few proofs that that is our intention. I want to connect my first proof with an attack that was made by the Hon, the Leader of the Opposition in this House of Lands provide evidence that our political attitude was a fraudulent one, because we are supposed to have announced to the public a policy of apartheid which he himself believed was impracticable. The proof of his lack of faith in that attitude was supposed to be contained in a letter which Mr. J.L. Brill published. The letter is from the present Minister of Lands to Mr. Brill. The letter was written on the 22</span></span><span style="font-family: "helvetica"; font-size: 13.3px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: 0px; line-height: normal;"><sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">nd</span></sup></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> of December, 1942. I have it here in its printed form, the form in which, indeed, it was published. This is what the present Minister of Lands wrote, among other things; I am to quote it. I wrote it down. It is a letter which was circulated by Mr. Brill. He published it as a pamphlet. This is what the Minister of Lands, the leader of the National Party in the Transvaal, wrote, among other things:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“As far as territorial segregation is concerned, “total segregation” as you call it in your letter of 31/10/’42 addressed to the secretary of our party on the Rand, would have been the ideal solution, but in practice it is incapable of being carried out, because quite apart from all the other difficulties, our own people, our farmers and thousands and tens of thousands of others, who use the services of the Natives and coloured people as labour, would never agree to it. For that reason, as far as ‘territorial segregation’ is concerned, we have adopted as a policy mainly the following:</span></span><br />
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<li style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; line-height: 19.0px; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">That Native should not be allowed to own land among white people, but that so far the ownership of land is concerned the should be confined to the various Native reserves;</span></span></li>
<li style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; line-height: 19.0px; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">That Natives and coloured people in our towns and villages should not live in European residential areas, but that there should be separate residential areas for them, that is to say separate Native and coloured villages; and</span></span></li>
<li style="color: #edc396; font: 20.0px Helvetica; line-height: 19.0px; margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">That in our factories, etc. Europeans and non-Europeans should not be allowed to work among one another, but separately, and that certain sorts of work should be reserved for the Europeans.”</span></span></li>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In connection with what I myself have stated up to now, I want to draw attention to the fact that he says in it precisely what has been said before: total segregation may be the ideal but that it is not practicable, and that what can be put into effect are these forms of territorial segregation, among other things. (Naturally political segregation as well.) That is what Mr. Strijdom wrote in 1942. He went on to refer to a hospital and medical services for Natives, and then he wrote </span><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">inter alia </span></i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">of:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“. . . the fact that we use the Natives as labourers in our businesses, in our industries and in many cases in our homes . . .”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The fact that he used that sentence serves to prove further that having the Native everywhere was within the scheme which he envisaged. Then he went on and remarked:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“Now so far as trading activities and so on in the Native areas and also in the Native residential areas of our cities are concerned. It is clear to me that if segregation is to mean anything, we Europeans except for necessary officials, should stay out of the Native areas. For the same reasons we Europeans will have to keep the Natives out of the European residential areas, except for those who have to come in to do their daily work.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">We are therefore applying the same principle on both sides, and it is indicated here how the Natives will be everywhere and how they will be separated from the whites. Now I ask in the light of such a clear statement, which must have been known to the Hon. The Leader of the Opposition in this House, because he referred to this self-same letter, who can one in the light of such a clear and unequivocal statement say: “You do not know what apartheid is” and in the second place “those people want total apartheid?” </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> I understand we pleaded for apartheid as if it meant total segregation, and that the fact the Minister of Land had said earlier that such a thing was impracticable should be taken as proof that we had tried to defraud the public. Has he tried yet to analyse the logic of that argument? What does it really mean? It means in the first place that a person who is, surely, a responsible and thinking person, addressed his whole party openly in 1942 and took up the attitude that while total segregation might well be an ideal, it could not be carried out in practice and furthermore that it was a thing that would be rejected by tens of thousands of people, farmers and who knows who else. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Then, a few years after that, in the course of an important election, he is supposed to have gone to the country to plead for what he had said would be both impracticable and unpopular! Then, when he had in spite of that, won the election he would then suddenly turn round and refuse to carry out the policy for which he had gained unexpected support. Surely it is foolish in the highest degree for any person to make such an accusation. One simply cannot believe that anybody could think so illogically.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The second point is that this correspondence was addressed to a person who opposed the idea that apartheid should not be the same thing as total segregation. The Minister should have seen that he was going to lose supporters if he pleaded for territorial and other forms of segregation as being practicable and capable of being applied instead for total segregation. And the leader, with a full sense of responsibility, made that clear to that person who then also left the party and formed his own party at that stage.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“I cannot agree with you that apartheid can in practice simply boil down to total segregation.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">These are all the various reasons that I have mentioned for that. He was prepared rather to see his party weakened than to give up the point of view on which he had taken his stand. Yet this attitude is being raised here today as evidence that we have committed a political honesty; in which one suffers harm for one’s faith. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Mr. President, I also have here in my possession a number of documents which are general knowledge. They have been spread far and wide. In them is set out the colour policy of this side of the House in unequivocal terms. In the first place the basis on which it is founded is to be found in the program of principles of the party. Here it is as it appeared in the Transvaal as the program of principles of the party. In each of the provinces the relevant clause is exactly the same:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The party accepts the Christian trusteeship of the European race as the basic principle of this policy in regard to the non-European races.” In accordance with this it desires to afford the non-European races the opportunity of developing themselves in their own fields, according to their natural ability and capacity, and it desires to assure them of fair and just treatment in the administration of the country, but it is emphatically opposed to any mixture of blood between the European and the non-European races.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It further declares itself in favour of the territorial and political segregation of the Natives, as well as in favour of the separation between Europeans and non-Europeans in general in the residential and, in so far as it may be practicable, also in the industrial field.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Further, it desires to protect all sections of the population against Asiatic immigration and competition, among other things by prohibiting further intrusions into their fields of activity, as well as by an affective scheme of Asiatic segregation.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">What we laid down in that way in our basic principles has been worked out further in various documents. One such document sets out the economic policy of the party. It has also been published in English under the title “The Road to a New South Africa.” The form which apartheid in the economic field will take is set out both in the English and the Afrikaans languages. It was distributed in tens of thousands far and wide over the country. Surely a party is to be judged, and a Government is to be judged, according to the point of view that they put before the public. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">First I want to point out to you that in connection which this economic policy the Natives are referred to only in so far as their position is related to a series of economic matters. And if it were true that under the apartheid policy which we propagated in this country, we were engaged in advocating that every single Native should be sent back to the reserves, by which the industries of the country would be deprived of labour and whereby we should chase away from the farmers every worker they have; if that had all been the truth, then surely we must have said it in those publications. What we did say, however, and what our policy was, was just the opposite. Here I shall read a paragraph from “The H.N.P.’s Economic Plan for South-Africa” in connection with the general basis of our policy. It says:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The non-European population is an important and valuable economic factor. As such its place in the development of society and the achievement of the greatest possible welfare must be properly recognised. In its own interest and with a view to the most harmonious co-operation with the European race, however, this must be done with the full recognition of essential social lines of division.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">There you have the general principle, the recognition of the necessity for the welfare of South Africa of the non-European labour factor. Is that not in direct contradiction to the allegation made from the other side of the House about what our apartheid was supposed to be? I can grasp the fact that people might often not be able to understand something, but then why is a positive meaning which is wrong always attached to it? I read on further here, about labour affairs:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The imposition of State control in matters of labour in such a way that the necessary farm labour will be sufficiently assured.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I want to indicate by this that we realise that there should not merely be farm labour, but that there should be enough farm labour, more labour than was available under the previous Government. Yet it is stated that we want to remove farm labourers. I come now to industrial development. It is stated here among other things:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“. . . the assurance to the two established Europeans races of their rightful share in our industries, and the application of a fair quota system and segregation policy in the provision of employment for Europeans and non-Europeans.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Again we have here a clear indication that in the work of the community there will be both Europeans and non-Europeans. That is very clear. Further about the issuing of trading licenses we read:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“Non-Europeans dealers will be restricted that in the word of the consuming public consist mainly of non-Europeans, in which areas specially favourable consideration will have to be given to suitable non-European applicants.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">There again you have a recognition of the apartheid principle in respect of trading and also in so far as licenses are concerned. Again you have proof there that for the number of Natives who will have to buy, there will be Native traders who will sell. That is exactly on the lines of the letter written by the Minister of Lands to Mr. Brill.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Then we come to labour in the towns. There will be a Labour Board. Its task will, among other things, include the practicable application of the quota system for European and non-European labour. To every available labourer, irrespective of colour or race, a proper living must be assured. There must be minimum wages in trade and industry, with the exception of agriculture; they must be fixed for Europeans, coloured persons and Natives. In addition there must be borne in mind the responsible and leading position of the European race and the different living standards between various groups of the non-Europeans. And further:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“With due consideration for the necessity of assuring every worker, including those in the country districts, of a proper and humanely reasonable standard of living, the labour problems of agriculture and their solution must be placed in a separate category of their own and treated in that way. In the provision of employment in industries the principle of separation of Europeans and non-Europeans must as far as is possible be taken into account, and in order to avoid the exploitation of one racial group to the profit of another, a well-judged and sensible quota system must be applied, with the proviso that if it regarded as desirable and possible, certain specific industries or activities should be reserved for certain specified groups.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Two things again emerge everywhere, that the non-European worker will be there to assist in the economic progress of the country; and that there will be protection for one group as well as for the other. It has been stated, and we are propagating it, that there must be a worthwhile wage for European labour. It has been stated that there must be enough non-European labour for the country districts. That has been propagated openly.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">When we come to “Social Welfare and Public Health,” you find that it is stated here:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“There must be separate residential areas for European and non-Europeans, and as far as possible this principle of apartheid must also be applied to the various non-European racial groups in their relationships towards one another, such as coloured people, Indians and Natives.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">They must also as far as possible be separated from one another; the Indian, the coloured and the Natives. The Natives must be separate, the Indians and the coloured people each separate too. Now that almost tens of thousands of these documents have been spread throughout the country it is still said that our apartheid policy has never been defined and is not clear. That is an unimaginable idea. There is another pamphlet which was distributed in tens of thousands throughout the country. All in all close on 100,000 must have been circulated throughout the country. In regard to the first, one might say: </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> There is the economic scheme, and to read no further, but here he cannot say that he has not read anything more, that he therefore has an excuse for not knowing. Here you have clearly “The Colour Policy of the Nationalist Party,” “Maintenance of European Civilisation as the Prime Task.” In it the various aspects of the matter are worked out extensively. The United Party must know of them. I am only going to quote briefly. Under the heading “General Basis” you find:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The party believes that a determined policy of separation between the European race and the non-European racial groups, and the application of the principle of separation between the non-European racial groups as well, is the only basis on which the character and the future of each race can be protected and made secure and enabled to develop in accordance with its own national character, abilities and destiny.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In their own areas the non-European racial groups will be afforded a full opportunity of development and they will be able to develop their own institutions and social services, and in that way the abilities of the more progressive non-Europeans will be enlisted in the advancement of their own people.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Under “Policy towards the Natives” we find the following:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The policy will aim at concentrating in so far as it is possible the main ethnical groups and sub-groups of the Bantu in their own separate territories, where each group will be able to develop into a self-sufficient unit.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">That is not an effort to exploit differences between the races, this in not an effort to stir them up to hostility towards one another – an effort to divide and rule! As the nations of the world each in its own territory accomplishes its own national development, so also the opportunity will be given here to the various Native groups each to accomplish its own development each in its own territory. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">T</span></span><span style="color: #ffcc99; letter-spacing: 0px;">o each of them, from the tribal chief to the ordinary Native, the chance is being given to accomplish a fair and reasonable development within his own national group. That has come from those who are stigmatised by the other side as oppressors of the Natives.</span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Under “Native Land” we find here:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The principle of territorial segregation between Europeans and Natives is generally accepted. Further, land will only be allocated under the 1936 Act in a sensible way and after a careful investigation, while a determined policy for the rehabilitation of the land and a campaign against over cropping, in which the assistance of the Natives themselves will be enlisted, will be carried out.” A body of experts to bring about the proper use of land in the Native territories will be brought into being.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Then further, and, indeed, under the heading “Native Reserves,” </span></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">it is stated:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The Native reserves must become the true fatherland of the Natives. It is there that his educational institutions should be, and it is there that these improved services for the Natives should be made available, in contrast to the present policy which is to make them available in urban locations. Prestige and respect must be accorded to the Natives in all fields in the reserves, so that they may set a standard and act as the mouthpiece of the Bantu.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Is that oppression?</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Then under the heading “Natives in Towns”:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The Party appreciates the danger of the influx of Natives into the towns and undertakes to preserve the European character of our towns, and to take energetic and effectible measures for the safety of persons as well as of property and for the peaceful life of urban residents.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">All Natives must be placed in separate residential areas, and their concentration in our urban areas must be counteracted. The native in our urban areas must be regarded as a ‘visitor’, who will never have the right to claim any political rights or equal social rights with the Europeans in the European areas.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Let me just interpolate something here and make a statement to Hon. Senators as to what, for example, happens in other countries where a great trek of workers from one country to another takes place. It is known that as far as France is concerned about three million labourers come in there from Italy every year; they are seasonal workers. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Those three million seasonal workers who come from Italy do not obtain any civil rights in France; they are regarded as visitors. And the same thing will apply to the Native in the European areas, though, at the same time we are now going to give him civil rights in his own territories such as he enjoys nowhere at present. That will be the place in which to achieve his ideals. The Native who becomes a lawyer, or the Native girl who becomes a nurse or teacher or whatever the case might be, will in the first place be able to provide his services there in his own community. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">However, as soon as the Native comes into an area of a European community, then he will have no such political rights there, there in the white man’s country. But the reverse is also true. If there are Europeans who have to go into the Native territories – and they will only go there because they have to in order to help the Natives – they will not enjoy any political rights there. Then I read on further:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The number of detribalised Natives must be frozen. After that the coming of the Natives into the towns and their regular departure will be taken under control by the State on a country-wide basis, in co-operation with the urban authorities. The Native territories must be placed under an affective efflux policy and the towns under an influx policy. All surplus Natives in the towns will have to be sent back to the country districts or to the Native reserves or to wherever they came from.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The Hon. Leader of the Opposition became worried yesterday about the use of the word “frozen,” as if one were dealing with people who became bodily frozen so tight in the South Pole that they could not get away again, for he asked whether it meant that the Natives would be placed in concentration camps.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">We hope that some of those Natives who become able to serve their own people actually will migrate to the reserves. They should be dealt with in such a manner that they will go there. What will happen is that in that sense the numbers in the cities will be frozen to such an extent that no more Natives will be allowed to come in from outside other than the Natives who have the full residential right to stay there; let only those who are there retain that right. That is not unreasonable. </span></span><br />
<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Freezing therefore means that we are not going to permit any new influx as happened under the previous Government, and, indeed, to such an extent that Johannesburg and the Witwatersrand and the whole of that neighbourhood has become one vast breeding place of injustice and crime, of unemployment and all sort of misery, of poverty and of mutual oppression. Within and outside that city the position has become impossible. It is also stated here that all surplus Natives in the towns should be sent back to the country districts or to the reserves from which they came. </span></span><br />
<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> They must be away from the misery of those hovels, away from those sacking villages, away from starvation, of little boys who run about and perish and degenerate, and go back to places where some care can be taken of them again. So “freezing” in this case has not the meaning as in the interpolation of the Hon. Senator. I am reading further:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“Natives from the country districts and the reserves will in future be allowed to enter the white towns and villages only as temporary workers, and on the termination of their service contracts they will regularly have to go back to their homes.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">That must also be well understood. The Natives who remain behind in the towns are one group. But a further influx into the towns will be allowed only in the form of such temporary labour. That is very fair, and it is very important that it should be carried out if we want to ensure them, too, the happiness to which they are just as much entitled as we are, namely to be linked to their own community and their liberties. The pamphlet also says:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“The principle of apartheid will be carried out so far as it is possible in practice in factories, industries and workshops. The Native must be induced to build up his own special health and welfare services in his own reserves. His own capabilities must be enlisted for that purpose.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Social and welfare services take place within the perspective and policy of this side of the House and best by providing for the Native through the Native himself. The hand that gives must draw from the people to whom the services are given. That is the first principle of all welfare services. The same applies to self-management. As to its own management I read the following:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">‘The party is in favour of an individual system of local government, more or less on the basis of the Bunga system, in which the Native chiefs will be completely incorporated and which will at the same time present the educated Native with an opportunity of enlisting himself in the service of his own people. Such a council will be brought into being for every reserve, and they will be able to develop into separate central councils for the various ethnic groups and sub-groups.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The Native Representative Council will be abolished. In the urban locations councils will be instituted which will, however, never be able to develop into independent bodies.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Those two points must be clearly understood. Even the Natives who are going to get their residential areas within or rather near the towns and who will be able to achieve a great deal of local towns and who will be able to achieve a great deal of local government within those residential areas, those Natives will not be able to go any further within the European area than the obtaining of local government. If they have ambitions in the direction of full citizenship, then they have to go back to the areas that are theirs; but if for their own selfish interest and their own economic gain they want to stay in the Native residential areas within the European areas, then the greatest share in government which they can achieve will be local government. That is giving them more that what those Italians are able to achieve in France.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">And then in so far as the abolition of the Native Representative Council in its present form is concerned, that speaks for itself. There was a body created which has to function within the integration policy of some of the members on the other side of the House. There we have a body by which al dividing lines between various groups of Natives are broken down. That body should be able to develop into a sort of parliament. And according to the latest statements of the former Prime Minister something even in the nature of a Native public service, or the elements far greater. Gradually we should have spread over a single country what would be virtually two parliaments and two public services. Do you not see, Mr. President, the dangers inherent in that, of agitation and of clashes and strife, and of creating many points of friction of the very greatest extent and of the very greatest danger to both groups? For that reason it must be abolished.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Now can anybody really say with an honest mind that when he hears or reads all that, he has no understanding, no idea, of what apartheid means, but merely knows the word? Has anybody on earth really in all seriousness accept it that any person who says that has faced up to the problem in all seriousness? If he says he has heard all that, but still does not know what apartheid means, then he is wilful.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I now come for a moment to the Stellenbosch professors. It is contended that there is a difference between the views of the Stellenbosch professors and the policy of apartheid as it has been set out here; and I content that that is not the truth. I just want to remind members in passing that the Minister of Native Affairs rightly said that if it was true, then in any event the party on this side of the House is only under a duty to accept responsibility towards its own standpoint and not towards the standpoint of any individual. I however here want to contend that the interpretation that is placed upon the attitude of the Stellenbosch professors is just as unfair and just as mistaken as that which has been flung in our faces up to now. I have here an article by some person which appeared in the </span><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Inspan </span></i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">for August, 1948. It was written on the Fagan Report by a member of the group that is known as the Stellenbosch professors.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">It is very clear from the point that that person makes that they are convinced that there are only two courses of policy, and that you must distinguish very clearly between them and must not allow yourself to become confused in your own mind. In regard to this question their are only two courses. They say the one course undoubtedly leads, whether you like it or not, to equality. (I put it even more strongly, and say that it leads unavoidably to non-European domination in South Africa.) And the other course leads in the direction of total segregation. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> They do not say that it will come to that; they do not say that they want a thing like that applied immediately. They say “for the sake of getting your ideas clear you must appreciate the fact, the one leads here, and the other there.” Then they also say that people have as ideal whereby you can measure your progress along the road and that you must act with due regard for all your practical problems. You can never wholly achieve your ideal. Who manages to do so in this life? But you can move in the direction of your ideal; you can make your position better and better as you approach closer to it. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> They say that the Fagan report recognises these two courses. The two courses of policy are: one that leads to equality, and the other which leads to total segregation. Then they say that we realise the practical problems in the application of apartheid. We appreciate the years and years that it will necessarily take to approach the full ideal. And perhaps we shall even never achieve it altogether. But, they say, the Fagan Report, which is against that direction and which also declares itself against equality and alleges that there is a third course: a middle course.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The so-called third course which the Fagan Report suggests that there is, the so-called course of integration is, they say, only equality though they do not want to promote it. It is based on the promise that there will be differences anyway, and that distinctions in administration of Europeans and non-Europeans would have to be made in the spirit of guardianship. And when the Report comes and says what the distinctions are, then in the end the Fagan Report does not dare to say you may draw those distinctions on racial and biological basis. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> It virtually boils down to this, that the distinctions are of a social and educational nature and the necessarily administration and trusteeship must some day fall away. Thus though you dare not draw the distinctions on racial and biological lines, yet you will eventually find yourself on the course which leads to equality.</span></span></div>
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Let me mention a sentence to show that I am not telling allot of tall stories here. In this case the matter was written by Mr. N. J. J. Olivier:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“It is therefore quite understandable that the criticism which has been directed against the Fagan Report, among others by the Stellenbosch academicians, did not deal with the specific recommendations that were made by the Commission in regard to the points mentioned in its terms of reference, but with its judgement on general and broad questions of racial policy. It is of particular importance that this fact should be borne in mind, because it was contended after that that the critics of the Report had rejected not the recommendations of the Report, but the facts contained in it – and because those facts are supposed to be incontrovertible (such as, for example, our economic dependence on Native labour) it has been suggested that the critics were following the proverbial ostrich policy and, by hiding their heads in the sand, had refused to accept as true the existence of those incontrovertible facts. Such an allegation is therefore untrue and unfair, because surely no thinking person would be so stupid as to deny our present dependence upon Native labour, or the presence of Natives in our urban areas.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Here in unequivocal words the exact opposite is being contended of what has been ascribed to them in this debate up to now. Those people also say very clearly: “We see two courses, we choose the ideal of working in the direction of eventual total segregation, but we see the impracticability of an immediate application of it.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Do you remember what the Minister of Lands wrote in his letter to Mr. Brill? All say that we should, while taking into account all the circumstances of life, keep our eyes on that ideal and work in that direction rather than on any other course which leads us on the road to equality.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Now, Mr. President, I am anxious, if I can, just to indicate a picture of what the two policies are which are opposed to one another. I must accept it that the policy of the party on the other side of the House is, in the first place, the situation as it is. The situation as it exists is the result of their policy, and then I must take account of the promises that have come from that side of the House, because the situation as it would be if they govern is reflected in their promises.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">What is the situation as it exists? Europeans and non-Europeans scattered and mingled about the whole South Africa; Europeans and non-Europeans travelling mixed in the trams and in the trains; Europeans and non-Europeans mixing are already in hotels and places where meals are served; engaged mere and more in taking possession of the theatres and the streets; engaged in devastating the reserves; engaged in seeking learning which they do not use in the service of their own people, but which they use in order to try to cross the border line of European life, to become traitors to their own people and to desert their own people.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> That is the picture that one sees; that is the situation that one finds today; nobody can deny that. The public of South Africa are seeing it with their own eyes. The situation that we find is as clear as daylight. And then in addition we have the promises, and those promises bring with them a frightening picture. Take the promises made by Mr. Hofmeyr, a leader of the party on the other side, perhaps the future chief leader of the party on the other side. What was he saying as long ago as in 1936?</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“A citizenship which bears all the marks of inferiority in section after section of this Bill, and then apart from that it bears the additional blot that no matter what the progress of the Native may be, in so far as civilisation is concerned . . . he is being limited forever to three members in a House of 153 . . . But I also object to that because I consider, as I always have considered, the principle of communal representations as an unsound principle.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Here then we have promises, and we are aware of the fact that the speaker, on a recent occasion, submitted to the sentiment of time and that he has now against his own will become a convert to the idea of communal representation. But I have the greatest doubt whether, if he had the power in his hands, he would not again undergo a reversion. There is thus the possibility of seeking greater representation for the Natives in another way, viz. not along lines of apartheid. On the 14</span></span><span style="font-family: "helvetica"; font-size: 13.3px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: 0px; line-height: normal;"><sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">th</span></sup></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> of January 1947 that same leader, Mr. Hofmeyr, the leader who is responsible for the defeat of the party on the other side of the House, said:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“Natives must eventually be represented by Natives, and Indians by Indians in the House of Assembly. The extension of the municipal franchise to Indians in Natal and the Transvaal in unavoidable.”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The political colour bar must go. In March, 1946 the then Minister of Lands asked Mr. Hofmeyr:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“Are you prepared to undertake here to subscribe to our proposition that the white man should remain the master in South Africa?”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">The answer was: “On that basis there can be no permanent relationship between the races (</span><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Hansard,</span></i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> 28</span></span><span style="font-family: "helvetica"; font-size: 13.3px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: 0px; line-height: normal;"><sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">th</span></sup></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> March, 1946).”</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I want to state here unequivocally now the attitude of this side of the House, that South Africa is a white man’s country and we are not prepared to allow the Natives to be the masters; we are not masters there. But within the European areas, we, the white people in South Africa, are and shall remain the masters. The Hon. The Leader of the Opposition said just now that that was the policy of the Broederbond. I wonder what he will say, whether he is also opposed to the idea that the Europeans should remain the master in South Africa?</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I want to carry on now and put it still further, again quoting from the </span><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Forum, </span></i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Mr. Hofmeyr’s journal. In it, it was written as follows:</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">“Adopt the policy of allowing the Natives to come to the towns; abolish the scandal of the pass laws; revise the colour bar in industry and restore the Native vote to the general voters’ roll according to the old Cape form . . “</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Even if that promise is only incipient in the minds of members of the other side of the House, that must help to give one an idea of what would happen to South Africa in the future. It is very clear of what will follow upon a growing political equality and the abolition of the other lines of separation. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In connection with what they said in regard to the non-Europeans also sitting in the Senate and the House of Assembly at some stage, I only want to say the following: if once these political rights are given to them, then if once they are given the vote, whether it will be given on the same rolls, or even if it is given to them on an increased communal basis, then opportunity is given to them to get the balance of power into their hands in this country. This must necessarily follow from any system of joint political representation.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Surely it is not to be denied that Mr. Hofmeyr has said that the political colour bar should be removed. If you were to do that it would mean that those people who are now already making demands outside for equal political rights would come along more and more with those demands. The more the non-Europeans are scattered among the Europeans, and the more they enjoy that franchise and education, the more its influence would make itself felt, and the influence would be felt mainly in one direction, and that is in the direction of complete equality. Could one blame certain Natives if one day when they acquired those right themselves they continued to build on them? </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> There is only one course of action open to us, and that is to let them work out their ambitions in their own areas. But in among us like this, it is an incontrovertible fact that the numbers of voters are getting greater and greater with the passage of years, and that out of those 8,000,000 it will be found – first a few hundred thousand and the a few millions – that they will start to dominate the Whites, first in the political field and later in other fields.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">And now a picture on the other side. Firstly, we want to have in the reserves the national home of the various tribal groups; only there can the brains and intelligence that are developing among them find their expression; to the reserves there should go those who are seeking education, for whom the opportunities will exist there. And as far as those who remain in the towns of the Europeans are concerned, they will have their local rights there. In the field of transport there will be separation, so that the mixing on the European stations is restricted to a minimum. The main object is the removal of friction. As far as the towns are concerned, the reserves play quite a big part apart from the development there; one would try gradually to induce more and more of those who are seeking opportunities to move there, out of the towns.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">Mr. president, in this connection I am now also addressing myself more particularly to Senator Brookes, who put the question whether it would ever be possible to get enough agricultural land in South Africa for the support of these people. To that I want to say that such an idea rest on a completely mistaken conception of the advancement of the Native and the changes of action which the apartheid policy must bring with it. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> If you had to think in terms of a country like England, and you were to imagine that in Britain a population should have to live basically on agriculture, then it would not be possible for more people to live there now than in the 18</span></span><span style="font-family: "helvetica"; font-size: 13.3px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: 0px; line-height: normal;"><sup><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">th</span></sup></span><span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> century, when there were seven million people in Britain. The population of Britain grew as industrial development took place. But again it would be a misconception if one were to think that that meant that every one of those people who have been added is still employed in industry. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Together with industrial development there is associated a more complicated national organisation and the development of the new organisation needs people. In other words, you get your public service expanding; you find your commerce expanding; in almost every field of life you find enormous expansion. That is the position which one has to imagine for oneself in connection with the reserves; not that you should have to be in a position to supply an acre of dry land to every Native who happens to be in the reserves of who has to find work there. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> You must have full and worthy development of the reserves taking place by means of which they become productive for many more people. Certain sorts of irrigation schemes can be instituted in some parts of the territory, and certain types of industries can be set up in, as well as near, the territories, but on the basis of the linking up of the development of agriculture, which will no longer be agriculture on a domestic basis, but which is becoming economic agriculture based on the needs of the Natives, and the development of the industries which I have mentioned and of which I know the Fagan Report is sceptical. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> On that basis there will develop the further organisation of those territories, the changes of existence will increase enormously, and that also will take account of and require the services of numbers of Natives. That is one point which one must bear in mind. When one speaks about the development of the reserves then one should not think merely in terms of land, or speak purely in terms of industries, but of the whole reorganisation. You must see that the building up of a nation takes place within its area in such a way that it provides employment and opportunities in every sphere of life.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">I am sorry, Mr. President, that the Hon. Senator is absent, for I still want strongly to stress a point which has reference more particularly to his idea. It may, however, at the same time refer to the ideas of hon. Members on the other side of the House, and it is this: the whole angle from which the matter was presented in his original motion was whether justice or injustice was being done towards the Natives. But the angle from which I want to approach it is this, whether justice or injustice is being done to the Europeans. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> It is very easy to argue the whole matter in such a way that it can be viewed only from the point of view of the Native, but today you must also survey it from the point of view of the Europeans. Indeed, it is not the Native whose future is being threatened, it is that of the Europeans; the European is really the person who should say: “My rights must be protected”. For that reason I say that the whole angle from which Senator Brookes viewed the matter whether it was just or unjust towards the Native, was wrong, and he did not consider the question how justice might be done to the Europeans.</span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">In closing, Mr. President. South Africa has to deal here with one of her greatest problems, and one of the most serious problems which any country in the world could be called upon to deal with. The question of war and peace is no more serious to other countries than the problem of finding a solution for a possible clash between white and black is for South Africa. </span></span><br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> In other countries of the world, where there is also a move towards apartheid, sometimes merely towards apartheid between Whites and Whites, where the present Opposition’s former ally, Russia, is merely another European race within its borders, then it seeks to apply apartheid which has to be paved with bloodshed and misery. </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;">An example is Palestine, where the Jew and the Arab are up against one another, and stand for apartheid, but mainly in this sense that each of the two parties wants the whole country for itself alone. </span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #ffcc99;"> Where we are prepared to accord to non-Europeans the right to their own opportunities of development, where we bring it about not by means of the sword, but through the benevolent hand of the Europeans who are in the country, then do not arouse suspicions, do no arouse the suspicion of the world outside, where there are so many difficulties, do not arouse the suspicion of the world that there is oppression, but show them that there is a policy which seeks rights and justice towards all.</span></div>
Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-16880979561567166822007-12-16T21:00:00.038+02:002011-01-15T06:31:26.003+02:00Ons Vir Jou Suid-Afrika<div style="text-align: center;"><br /><object width="853" height="505"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/gdsUmAZFaVA?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0"><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/gdsUmAZFaVA?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="853" height="505"></embed></object><br /><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.AfrikanerBroadcasting.blogspot.com/" title="Afrikaner Broadcasting Corporation"><img src="http://farm5.static.flickr.com/4153/5224890140_e14e5f104d_b.jpg" width="850" height="286.45" alt="Snapshot 2010-11-27 00-11-33" /></a><br /><br /></div>Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1229337258312364251.post-69149644254541070882007-03-20T03:58:00.016+02:002011-01-15T06:31:48.001+02:00At Thy Will South Africa<div style="text-align: center;"><br /><object width="853" height="505"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/9O5EOvLNZfQ?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0"><br /><br /><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><br /><br /><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><br /><br /><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/9O5EOvLNZfQ?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="853" height="505"></embed></object><br /><br /><object width="853" height="505"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/gdsUmAZFaVA?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0"><br /><br /><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><br /><br /><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><br /><br /><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/gdsUmAZFaVA?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="853" height="505"></embed></object><br /><br /><object width="853" height="505"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/OwJYU424c1Q?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0"><br /><br /><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><br /><br /><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><br /><br /><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/OwJYU424c1Q?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="853" height="505"></embed></object><br /><br /><object width="853" height="505"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/ukY8XZBRYGo?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0"><br /><br /><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><br /><br /><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><br /><br /><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/ukY8XZBRYGo?fs=1&hl=en_US&rel=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="853" height="505"></embed></object><br /><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.AfrikanerBroadcasting.blogspot.com/" title="Afrikaner Broadcasting Corporation"><img src="http://farm6.static.flickr.com/5083/5224892366_c5dda803a4_b.jpg" width="850" height="190.50" alt="Snapshot 2010-11-27 00-07-57" /></a><br /><br /></div>Anonymousnoreply@blogger.com